THE WAY IT WAS: Gallan baatan —Mian Ijaz Ul Hassan
The rhetoric of the Jama’at could no longer muddle the people. People found
Bhutto’s sharp voice, which cracked under emotions at high pitch penetrating
deeper into their hearts than lofty utterances coursing through well-greased
gullets
Last Tuesday, GEO’s Amna Samna programme had Professor Ghafoor, Vice President
of the Jama’at-e Islami. The compere asked him all sorts of questions but Prof
Ghafoor proved too slippery for him. Jama’at leaders appear to be very docile
and gentle. They are eloquent and courteous, and adamant without being rude.
Those who do not know them well are amazed to see how their actions can be so
contrary to their studied mannerism and manicured appearance.
In 1970, at the Punjab University Students’ Union Elections, Hafiz Idrees the
Islami Jamiat Tulaba — student wing of JI — candidate for presidentship lost
to Jehangir Badr. There was some confusion over the ballot paper for the General
Secretary’s election but none about the president. The university instituted a
Tribunal for recounting the votes to settle the dispute. The Jamiat insisted
that the Tribunal be dissolved and their candidate declared the winner.
To force the issue, in the middle of night, they attacked the Vice Chancellor,
Allama Allaudin Siddiqui’s residence. The gentle chancellor, who had never
disagreed with anyone in his life, presumably hid under the bed while the
student hurled threats and adjectives at the scrambled bed sheets. This
naturally provoked an unwholesome situation in the entire Campus. One thing lead
to another as a result of which Jehangir Badr, the undisputed winning candidate
for president was sent to jail for a year and along with ten other students
rusticated for two years. In the subsequent election when the Jamiat fielded M
Hafeez Khan, Badr was again arrested for participating in the anti-Ayub
student’s movement. He was cleverly released just one day before the polling.
The Establishment preferred the Jamiat to the Nationalist Students’
Organisation (NSO) the main radical force on the campus that supported Badr.
In the subsequent decade with the support of Zia, the Jamiat virtually
dismembered the academic traditions of the university to fulfil his private
religious agenda. Student activities were restricted to whatever the Jamiat
wished to do. About 80 teachers were transferred at an hour’s notice to
far-flung places without even rental accommodation available. Some were
despatched to colleges at the intermediate level; others to degree colleges
where the subjects of their specialisation were not even taught. Those who
reported on duty very soon resigned. A whole crop of some of the finest minds in
the country was sheared at the behest of a dictator.
The Jamiat was given open field. They introduced a culture of religious bigotry
and intolerance. They introduced violence in the colleges and on the Campus —
above all they introduced firearms. I recall the time when NSO members were
throttling from pillar to post to procure a pistol — one single pistol —
with which they planned to defend themselves against the organised force of the
Jamiat, which they suspected planned to attack their hostel.
In the early days before the 1971 national elections, The Jamiat was on the
rampage in Lahore. Punjab University has always been their nursery from where
they have traditionally raised their cadre, not for parliamentary politics but
to penetrate the state. No one can deny that the strategy hasn’t worked. Even
‘the Chief’ cannot deny that there is a constant pressure exerted on him.
Unlike other student organisations the Jamiat had paid political workers who
were admitted as students to the university and colleges. Most of them were
armed and rode motorcycles bought for them by the Jamiat.
Armed and supported by the university and civil administration, they flexed
their muscles on the dissenting students and the academia. During Zia-ul Haq’s
period the Jamiat imposed its complete hegemony on the campus. They had their
protégés recruited, promoted and designated as heads of department. Even a
peon could not be appointed without their clearance.
When in the above-mentioned programme the compere asked Prof Ghafoor why the
Jama’at had joined Zia’s government; I was hoping the professor would
recount the benefits the Jama’at gained by siding with the dictator. Instead
of giving an honest answer that one would have expected it was almost
embarrassing to find a respectable old man hedging around the question. It is
common knowledge that the Jama’at was the first political party that brazenly
abandoned the other PNA ingredients and joined the Zia regime. Professor sahib
for an answer to no avail produced a number of pigeons from his magic hat.
As they say in Punjabi in galleen baateen (glib talking) no one can checkmate
the Jama’at. But the compere remained focussed and persisted on asking
innocent questions and then extending a long rope. He rarely demonstrates such
patience but the tactics worked.
Everyone now knows how the Jama’at and the Jamiat helped Zia to produce an
army of innocents from the universities and colleges, who were sent to sacrifice
their lives on behalf of the US against the Soviets in Afghanistan. Ironically
today they have been encouraging a new generation of brave innocents to kill
themselves fighting against their former masters and secular Muslim governments.
When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formed the PPP, Maulana Maudoodi the Jama’at founder
opposed it tooth and nail. PPP was branded as un-Islamic; socialism was declared
an ideology of the Jews. Maulana Maudoodi warned that if anyone uttered the
‘name’ of socialism, he would have his tongue pulled out from its root. It
was not long before people could see through the hypocrisy of the Jama’at, its
close affiliation with the CIA and the Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle East.
The rhetoric of the Jama’at could no longer muddle the people. People found
Bhutto’s sharp voice, which cracked under emotions at high pitch penetrating
deeper into their hearts than lofty utterances coursing through well-greased
gullets. What happened later is another story.
But to round it up it is interesting to learn that Farooq Sattar of the MQM has
had finally revealed to him, “ JI is a fascist party.” — Friday Times,
May14-20, 2004. “Chananni nein kia, lotey noon, ‘ Ja way chaikan wallia’”
— “ a sieve declaimed to an urn with a spout, ‘Be gone you with many
holes.’”
Prof Ijaz-ul-Hassan is a painter, author and a political activist. His e-mail
is ijazulhassan@magic.net.pk